Investors call for review of oil production in Alberta
Terry Macalister
The Guardian
Monday 18 January 2010
Royal Dutch Shell group's dissident shareholders will press for a review of its tar sands project in Canada, at the oil firm's annual meeting in May.
Photograph: Jeff McIntosh/AP
Shell chief executive Peter Voser will be forced to defend the company's controversial investment in Canada's tar sands at his first annual general meeting, after calls from shareholders that the project be put under further scrutiny.
A coalition of institutional investors has forced a resolution onto the agenda calling for the Anglo-Dutch group's audit committee to undertake a special review of the risks attached to the carbon-heavy oil production at Athabasca in Alberta.
Co-operative Asset Management and 141 other institutional and individual shareholders raise "concerns for the long-term success of the company arising from the risks associated with oil sands."
Sunday, January 17, 2010
A Darwinian Gentleman at Marx's Funeral
by Stephen Jay Gould
Natural History, September 1999
Let me now introduce another anomaly, not so easily resolved this time, about the death of Karl Marx in London. This item, in fact, ranks as my all-time favorite, niggling little incongruity from the history of my profession of evolutionary biology. I have been living with this bothersome fact for twenty-five years, and I pledged long ago to offer some resolution before ending this series of essays at the millennium. I think that I now have the basic answer, and not a moment too soon. Let us, then, return to Highgate Cemetery and to Karl Marx's burial on March 17, 1883.
Natural History, September 1999
Let me now introduce another anomaly, not so easily resolved this time, about the death of Karl Marx in London. This item, in fact, ranks as my all-time favorite, niggling little incongruity from the history of my profession of evolutionary biology. I have been living with this bothersome fact for twenty-five years, and I pledged long ago to offer some resolution before ending this series of essays at the millennium. I think that I now have the basic answer, and not a moment too soon. Let us, then, return to Highgate Cemetery and to Karl Marx's burial on March 17, 1883.Read the full article here.
Votes of no confidence
By Zoe Cormier
New Internationalist
Canadians have taken a real beating lately: first by the rest of the world at the UN climate negotiations in Copenhagen, where the country was lambasted for being the single most obstructive nation to global progress.
But then - far more belittlingly - by our own Government when Prime Minister Stephen Harper single-handedly shut down Parliament on 30 December through a process known as proroguing. Ministers were to resume parliamentary proceedings on 25 January - now they will have to wait until 3 March.
The almost indisputable reason (certainly as speculated by every single newspaper in the country): because the Government wishes to evade allegations by Canadian diplomats of a cover-up of collusion in the torture of Afghan detainees. A topic the Government has been avoiding since November - and certainly not one they want tainting Canada's international brand image while Vancouver plays host to the Olympics in February.
Proroguing, a constitutional measure that suspends proceedings in the House of Commons (and scuttles all bills under consideration), can be done at the whim of the Prime Minister without being put to a vote by the House (or even his own party). All that is required is that he kindly ask the Governor General for permission - and in this case, he did not even do so in person, phoning in the request instead.
And all this when the Conservative Party of Canada holds a minority government, and by a man elected by only 34 per cent of Canadians voters.
New Internationalist
Canadians have taken a real beating lately: first by the rest of the world at the UN climate negotiations in Copenhagen, where the country was lambasted for being the single most obstructive nation to global progress.
But then - far more belittlingly - by our own Government when Prime Minister Stephen Harper single-handedly shut down Parliament on 30 December through a process known as proroguing. Ministers were to resume parliamentary proceedings on 25 January - now they will have to wait until 3 March.
The almost indisputable reason (certainly as speculated by every single newspaper in the country): because the Government wishes to evade allegations by Canadian diplomats of a cover-up of collusion in the torture of Afghan detainees. A topic the Government has been avoiding since November - and certainly not one they want tainting Canada's international brand image while Vancouver plays host to the Olympics in February.Proroguing, a constitutional measure that suspends proceedings in the House of Commons (and scuttles all bills under consideration), can be done at the whim of the Prime Minister without being put to a vote by the House (or even his own party). All that is required is that he kindly ask the Governor General for permission - and in this case, he did not even do so in person, phoning in the request instead.
And all this when the Conservative Party of Canada holds a minority government, and by a man elected by only 34 per cent of Canadians voters.
Saturday, January 16, 2010
Collective power and the responsibility to protest
By Dave Oswald Mitchell
Briarpatch Magazine
January/February 2010
“If civilization offers few forms of communal emotional connection other than those provided by the occasional televised war or celebrity funeral, it would seem to be a rather hollow business. . . . We pay a high price for this emotional emptiness. Individually, we suffer from social isolation and depression, which, while usually not fatal on their own, are risk factors for cardiovascular and a host of other diseases. Collectively, we seem to have trouble coming to terms with our situation, which grows more ominous every day. Half the world’s people live in debilitating poverty. Epidemics devastate whole nations. The icecaps melt, and natural disasters multiply. But we remain for the most part paralyzed, lacking the means or will to organize for our survival. In fact the very notion of the ‘collective,’ of the common good, has been eroded by the self-serving agendas of the powerful . . . .
“People must find, in their movement, the immediate joy of solidarity, if only because, in the face of overwhelming state and corporate power, solidarity is their sole source of strength.”
- Barbara Ehrenreich, “Reclaiming what makes us human,” In These Times
AS THIS ISSUE goes to press, three thousand rallies are taking place in communities around the world calling for action in Copenhagen on climate change. In February, anti-poverty and indigenous rights activists will take to the streets of Vancouver to protest the Olympics. And in June, Stephen Harper will host a gathering of the G20 in Toronto, and has announced he would use the platform to “urge members to put economic recovery before efforts to protect the environment.” Protests can be expected.
In all of these cases, demonstrators will be dismissed in the press as naïve, idealistic, unreasonable or irrational. But frankly, the need for such rude disruptions of the status quo is dire. Business-as-usual is no longer tenable, but our governance structures seem incapable of changing course. In the face of steadily rising greenhouse gas emissions, soul-destroying poverty for millions, and the accelerating devastation of the biosphere in the name of economic growth, popular movements the world over are continuing to raise their voices, but in most places their activism has yet to translate into the popular power capable of bringing real change.
Until that critical mass is reached, those calling for radical change are left with only impolite options: marches and protests, civil disobedience, direct action. Spoiling the party. Sowing the seeds of broader revolt. Speaking passionately about the need for a new paradigm, and building alternatives in whatever spaces are available. Mass demonstrations will play a critical role in this process. As Elaine Brière observes in this issue, “Demonstrations are a unifying experience in a culture that thrives on feelings of isolation and loneliness. . . . [They] empower us with their potent physicality and assure us that we are not alone; that many, many others share our convictions and our hopes for a better world.”
In the wake of the global convergence in Copenhagen and looking ahead to the anti-Olympic demonstrations in February, Briarpatch sets out in the following pages to assess the state of social movements today. Where are the emerging opportunities for collective action and popular empowerment? What have we learned in the ten years since Seattle? How do we translate the convergences in Copenhagen, Vancouver or elsewhere into ongoing political pressure and social transformation? There are no easy answers to these questions, but there is some urgency in their asking.
Briarpatch Magazine
January/February 2010
“If civilization offers few forms of communal emotional connection other than those provided by the occasional televised war or celebrity funeral, it would seem to be a rather hollow business. . . . We pay a high price for this emotional emptiness. Individually, we suffer from social isolation and depression, which, while usually not fatal on their own, are risk factors for cardiovascular and a host of other diseases. Collectively, we seem to have trouble coming to terms with our situation, which grows more ominous every day. Half the world’s people live in debilitating poverty. Epidemics devastate whole nations. The icecaps melt, and natural disasters multiply. But we remain for the most part paralyzed, lacking the means or will to organize for our survival. In fact the very notion of the ‘collective,’ of the common good, has been eroded by the self-serving agendas of the powerful . . . .- Barbara Ehrenreich, “Reclaiming what makes us human,” In These Times
AS THIS ISSUE goes to press, three thousand rallies are taking place in communities around the world calling for action in Copenhagen on climate change. In February, anti-poverty and indigenous rights activists will take to the streets of Vancouver to protest the Olympics. And in June, Stephen Harper will host a gathering of the G20 in Toronto, and has announced he would use the platform to “urge members to put economic recovery before efforts to protect the environment.” Protests can be expected.
In all of these cases, demonstrators will be dismissed in the press as naïve, idealistic, unreasonable or irrational. But frankly, the need for such rude disruptions of the status quo is dire. Business-as-usual is no longer tenable, but our governance structures seem incapable of changing course. In the face of steadily rising greenhouse gas emissions, soul-destroying poverty for millions, and the accelerating devastation of the biosphere in the name of economic growth, popular movements the world over are continuing to raise their voices, but in most places their activism has yet to translate into the popular power capable of bringing real change.
Until that critical mass is reached, those calling for radical change are left with only impolite options: marches and protests, civil disobedience, direct action. Spoiling the party. Sowing the seeds of broader revolt. Speaking passionately about the need for a new paradigm, and building alternatives in whatever spaces are available. Mass demonstrations will play a critical role in this process. As Elaine Brière observes in this issue, “Demonstrations are a unifying experience in a culture that thrives on feelings of isolation and loneliness. . . . [They] empower us with their potent physicality and assure us that we are not alone; that many, many others share our convictions and our hopes for a better world.”
In the wake of the global convergence in Copenhagen and looking ahead to the anti-Olympic demonstrations in February, Briarpatch sets out in the following pages to assess the state of social movements today. Where are the emerging opportunities for collective action and popular empowerment? What have we learned in the ten years since Seattle? How do we translate the convergences in Copenhagen, Vancouver or elsewhere into ongoing political pressure and social transformation? There are no easy answers to these questions, but there is some urgency in their asking.
Friday, January 15, 2010
Marx’s theory of metabolic rift
This comment is taken from constellationDefiant - Notes from the ecology movement. Reproduced as posted - NYC.
i’ve wanted to start reading the works of John Bellamy Foster for some time now, and one of the ‘rads got me his first book on ecology, The Vulnerable Planet, for Christmas. Foster, along with Paul Burkett, have been credited with popularizing a Marxist approach towards ecology. both Foster and Burkett have been important for Marxism because, for a time, Marx has been accused by elements within ecology movement as either having no position on the subject, being Promethean in his attitude to the natural world, or that Marx failed to recognize any natural limits to production.
i’ve just read Foster’s “Marx’s Theory of Metabolic Rift” (or, for the pdf) which provides a good introduction to Foster’s efforts, and takes up these criticisms.
metabolic rift and sustainability
“metabolism” is the term Marx uses to describe the relationship between human beings and the natural world. not missing a beat, Marx understands this material exchange and transformation between humanity and the natural world through the aspects of materialist and dialectical philosophy that permeate his work. he reasons that 1) human beings are constantly interacting with the physical/material/natural world, and 2) people are, themselves, physical/material/natural beings. every time we change their environment, we change the conditions in which we live, and subsequently ourselves in the process.
if the natural world is one set of material conditions for our existence, then it follows that it poses its own set of limitations in the form of scientific natural law and resource scarcity, and society poses its own set of limitations in terms of both technological capability and social organization of production (production for profit or freedom?). Marx understood the failure to recycle material back into production and the resulting environmental devastation as the metabolic rift between humanity and the natural world (see “Utilization of the Refuse of Production” in Capital vol. 3). Foster describes this as the estrangement of people from the natural conditions of their existence.
Reflections on Copenhagen
Don Kossick of Making the Links Radio interviews Rosa Kouri, a Canadian lead tracker for Adoptanegotiator.org, about what happened in Copenhagen and what there is to go forward with. Rosa has a particular view as part of the global youth movement striving for climate justice. She has participated in the Montreal. Bali, Poznan and Copenhagen climate talks and offers a unique perspective.
Link here!
Link here!
Wednesday, January 13, 2010
Green Jobs and Power
Building a New and Just Economy
By John Cartwright
Our Times
We often propose that green jobs and stronger public services are part of the solution to the economic crisis we face. But the question that keeps nagging at me is one of power: how will we achieve the political power needed to overcome the natural instincts of global capitalism? It's like we're architects who can imagine truly inspired designs, but have yet to bring together the skilled workforce and essential materials to turn the designs into reality.
What are the obstacles to a green, prosperous future? Some will say it is the industrial model, which seeks to conquer nature rather than complement it. Others will point to vested interests like big oil, the auto giants, or government bureaucracies. No doubt there is an element of truth in all those observations. But I believe the problem is something more fundamental: the relentless assertion of corporate power in Canada, and across the entire globe.
Collective Action
The point of relating this history is that global corporate rule has been around for a long time, and humankind has had to take some serious steps to curtail its worst impulses. There have been revolutions, colonial uprisings, and many gains made by people's collective action. Along the bumpy road, the Declaration of Universal Human Rights was an important marker. So was the Kyoto Accord. Now we need a new marker; one that points in the direction of a globaleconomy that is both sustainable and equitable.
There are inspiring examples of how we might green our world, from alternative energy generation to zero-footprint buildings to industrial design based on "bio-mimicry" emulating the rhythms of natural world. Europe is usually seen as the leader in this, but much is also happening in the global south that should not be ignored. The world's largest cities have carved out a special role in figuring out solutions, and unions are exploring how best to embrace a green agenda.
Teachers and Grocery Workers
The challenge is how to paint a picture of a sustainable future where all of us can see a place for ourselves. People who work in industry, resource extraction, construction; First Nations and newcomers; teachers and grocery workers; youth and people of colour. Everyone needs to be able to describe a green or greener job that they could be doing in years hence. A new ecological vision needs to be crafted that will become as widely embraced as today's social networking.
Attaining all this will require overcoming real obstacles. You only have to look south of the border to see the relentless Republican/Fox News assault on the Obama administration for daring to dream green. Van Jones, one of the most inspiring environmental leaders in the United States, was hounded out of the White House by a vicious smear campaign reminiscent of the McCarthy years.
Canada has its own demons to deal with, including a Prime Minister smitten with delusions of leading an energy superpower. For the last quarter century the Business Council on National Issues has shaped nearly all key government policy. That elite group of CEOs has changed its name to the Canadian Council of Chief Executives, but their main goals remain the same: free trade and continental integration.
The Crucial Question
Free market supremacy stands directly opposed to basic green principles such as local procurement - getting governments to require things they buy to be built locally. The CCCE boys want to be able to outsource the work and get what they need anywhere in the world, from the cheapest sweatshops available. They will only accept controls on greenhouse gases if money can be made in carbon trading schemes. Whether a greener economy provides jobs for the next generation of Canadians is irrelevant to them. But, for everyone else, this is a crucial question.
We have won some important victories around contracts for transit vehicles, and Ontario's Green Energy Act gives a nod in the right direction. But what about the materials needed for retrofitting thousands of buildings, or building fuel-efficient cars? Will young trainees get a true apprenticeship or only a limited skill set?
The challenge is not just to imagine an economy that provides good green jobs for all. The real challenge is how to force that to happen. I would suggest that the first step is to identify the potential benefits from greening every sector of the economy. The second step is to create a policy framework, for both the public and private sector, that will ensure living wages and true accountability. The third step will be to fight like hell to make sure those good jobs and benefits are shared by all.
John Cartwright is the president of the Toronto and York Region Labour Council, which is part of the Good Jobs For All coalition of community, labour, social justice, youth and environmental organizations in the Toronto region. For more information visit http://www.goodjobsforall.ca/ or www.labourcouncil.ca.
This is just a sample of the kind of commentaries you'll find in Our Times. For more commentaries like this of solidarity and struggle, plus feature stories, poetry and reviews, subscribe to Our Times. You'll get 6 issues for just $25. Subscribe online, or mail your cheque, along with your name and address, to: Our Times, Ste. 407, 15 Gervais Drive, Toronto, Ontario M3C 1Y8.
By John Cartwright
Our Times
We often propose that green jobs and stronger public services are part of the solution to the economic crisis we face. But the question that keeps nagging at me is one of power: how will we achieve the political power needed to overcome the natural instincts of global capitalism? It's like we're architects who can imagine truly inspired designs, but have yet to bring together the skilled workforce and essential materials to turn the designs into reality.
What are the obstacles to a green, prosperous future? Some will say it is the industrial model, which seeks to conquer nature rather than complement it. Others will point to vested interests like big oil, the auto giants, or government bureaucracies. No doubt there is an element of truth in all those observations. But I believe the problem is something more fundamental: the relentless assertion of corporate power in Canada, and across the entire globe.That power is nothing new. The first multinational joint-stock corporation was the Dutch East India Company. It was chartered in 1602 with the right to claim foreign lands, raise private armies, and make slaves of indigenous peoples. This business plan generated an 18 per cent annual profit for over two centuries. Its success was mirrored by the British East India Company, which, at one point, employed 100,000 private soldiers.
Collective Action
The point of relating this history is that global corporate rule has been around for a long time, and humankind has had to take some serious steps to curtail its worst impulses. There have been revolutions, colonial uprisings, and many gains made by people's collective action. Along the bumpy road, the Declaration of Universal Human Rights was an important marker. So was the Kyoto Accord. Now we need a new marker; one that points in the direction of a globaleconomy that is both sustainable and equitable.
There are inspiring examples of how we might green our world, from alternative energy generation to zero-footprint buildings to industrial design based on "bio-mimicry" emulating the rhythms of natural world. Europe is usually seen as the leader in this, but much is also happening in the global south that should not be ignored. The world's largest cities have carved out a special role in figuring out solutions, and unions are exploring how best to embrace a green agenda.
Teachers and Grocery Workers
The challenge is how to paint a picture of a sustainable future where all of us can see a place for ourselves. People who work in industry, resource extraction, construction; First Nations and newcomers; teachers and grocery workers; youth and people of colour. Everyone needs to be able to describe a green or greener job that they could be doing in years hence. A new ecological vision needs to be crafted that will become as widely embraced as today's social networking.
Attaining all this will require overcoming real obstacles. You only have to look south of the border to see the relentless Republican/Fox News assault on the Obama administration for daring to dream green. Van Jones, one of the most inspiring environmental leaders in the United States, was hounded out of the White House by a vicious smear campaign reminiscent of the McCarthy years.
Canada has its own demons to deal with, including a Prime Minister smitten with delusions of leading an energy superpower. For the last quarter century the Business Council on National Issues has shaped nearly all key government policy. That elite group of CEOs has changed its name to the Canadian Council of Chief Executives, but their main goals remain the same: free trade and continental integration.
The Crucial Question
Free market supremacy stands directly opposed to basic green principles such as local procurement - getting governments to require things they buy to be built locally. The CCCE boys want to be able to outsource the work and get what they need anywhere in the world, from the cheapest sweatshops available. They will only accept controls on greenhouse gases if money can be made in carbon trading schemes. Whether a greener economy provides jobs for the next generation of Canadians is irrelevant to them. But, for everyone else, this is a crucial question.
We have won some important victories around contracts for transit vehicles, and Ontario's Green Energy Act gives a nod in the right direction. But what about the materials needed for retrofitting thousands of buildings, or building fuel-efficient cars? Will young trainees get a true apprenticeship or only a limited skill set?
The challenge is not just to imagine an economy that provides good green jobs for all. The real challenge is how to force that to happen. I would suggest that the first step is to identify the potential benefits from greening every sector of the economy. The second step is to create a policy framework, for both the public and private sector, that will ensure living wages and true accountability. The third step will be to fight like hell to make sure those good jobs and benefits are shared by all.John Cartwright is the president of the Toronto and York Region Labour Council, which is part of the Good Jobs For All coalition of community, labour, social justice, youth and environmental organizations in the Toronto region. For more information visit http://www.goodjobsforall.ca/ or www.labourcouncil.ca.
This is just a sample of the kind of commentaries you'll find in Our Times. For more commentaries like this of solidarity and struggle, plus feature stories, poetry and reviews, subscribe to Our Times. You'll get 6 issues for just $25. Subscribe online, or mail your cheque, along with your name and address, to: Our Times, Ste. 407, 15 Gervais Drive, Toronto, Ontario M3C 1Y8.
Monday, January 11, 2010
Let's Keep the Blue Green Movement Moving!
By Ken Delaney for Blue Green Canada
There is a lot of dissatisfaction among environmentalists and trade unionists with the outcome of the Copenhagen talks. World leaders did not get the job done and a lot of work remains.
But still, I could not not help but be moved by the number of environmental and trade union activists that showed up in Copenhagen. And I could not help feeling that a new emerging alliance between the labour and environmental movements has some real potential.
Together we have more credibility and a stronger voice that we do individually.
We did bring our message to Canadian provincial politicians, municipal politicians, and to representatives of the Government of Canada. We also forged relationships with environmentalists and trade unionists in the United States, and with other Canadian trade unionists and environmentalists. As we continue to advocate for effective climate change policies and green job strategies, these relationships will prove valuable.
It was a pleasure to work with people who believe that economic activity can and should be regulated in a way that both protects our climate and provides good jobs for all. It is that commonality of thought, and a shared belief that both goals can be achieved, that binds the alliance together and forms the foundation of a new partnership.
We have a lot of work to do. We have to hold governments accountable when they fail to act, and we have to acknowledge them when they do. We have to advocate effective policies, and we have to raise awareness of both the importance of addressing the issues and of the solutions we propose.
I think both trade unionists and environmentalists will be more effective in doing so if they can do it together.
Let's keep the Blue Green Movement moving!
Ken Delaney is the Assistant to the National Director of the United Steelworkers Union and Co-Chair of Blue Green Canada.
There is a lot of dissatisfaction among environmentalists and trade unionists with the outcome of the Copenhagen talks. World leaders did not get the job done and a lot of work remains.But still, I could not not help but be moved by the number of environmental and trade union activists that showed up in Copenhagen. And I could not help feeling that a new emerging alliance between the labour and environmental movements has some real potential.
Together we have more credibility and a stronger voice that we do individually.
We did bring our message to Canadian provincial politicians, municipal politicians, and to representatives of the Government of Canada. We also forged relationships with environmentalists and trade unionists in the United States, and with other Canadian trade unionists and environmentalists. As we continue to advocate for effective climate change policies and green job strategies, these relationships will prove valuable.
It was a pleasure to work with people who believe that economic activity can and should be regulated in a way that both protects our climate and provides good jobs for all. It is that commonality of thought, and a shared belief that both goals can be achieved, that binds the alliance together and forms the foundation of a new partnership.
We have a lot of work to do. We have to hold governments accountable when they fail to act, and we have to acknowledge them when they do. We have to advocate effective policies, and we have to raise awareness of both the importance of addressing the issues and of the solutions we propose.
I think both trade unionists and environmentalists will be more effective in doing so if they can do it together.
Let's keep the Blue Green Movement moving!
Sunday, January 10, 2010
Canadian Ecosocialists: A job still in progress
The following was written by Ian Angus in 2007. The challenges he outlined then still require much patient work (read the full article link).
The growing worldwide interest in ecosocialism is reflected in two political trends:
In Canada, ecosocialism is new, and still a distinctly minority current. Most progressive movements address ecological issues from time to time, but few have made them a key focus of their activity. And while socialist views are beginning to get a hearing in green circles, few ecology activists advocate anything more radical than the market-based “solutions” of the Kyoto Accord.
We might say that the central goal of ecosocialism today is to make the greens more left and the lefts more green. The path to this goal is still being worked out — we are learning as we go — but the time to accelerate the process is now...
The Time is Ripe
It is far easier to write socialist essays about climate change than to actively build movements against it. But, as Marx wrote, interpreting the world is not enough — the point is to change it.
The time is ripe for ecosocialists to move beyond criticizing capitalism — to supporting, building and learning from real movements for change. If we don’t do so, all of our words and theories will be irrelevant.
Ian Angus
Five Challenges for Ecosocialists in 2008
Canadian Dimension
The growing worldwide interest in ecosocialism is reflected in two political trends:
- Many people in the green movement are turning to Marxism to understand the ecological crisis and are concluding that only socialism offers a way out.
- Many on the Left believe that socialism will succeed only if it is based on sound ecological practice - and that the fight against capitalism’s destruction of the environment (especially through global warming) will play a central role in the fight for socialism.
In Canada, ecosocialism is new, and still a distinctly minority current. Most progressive movements address ecological issues from time to time, but few have made them a key focus of their activity. And while socialist views are beginning to get a hearing in green circles, few ecology activists advocate anything more radical than the market-based “solutions” of the Kyoto Accord.We might say that the central goal of ecosocialism today is to make the greens more left and the lefts more green. The path to this goal is still being worked out — we are learning as we go — but the time to accelerate the process is now...
The Time is Ripe
It is far easier to write socialist essays about climate change than to actively build movements against it. But, as Marx wrote, interpreting the world is not enough — the point is to change it.
The time is ripe for ecosocialists to move beyond criticizing capitalism — to supporting, building and learning from real movements for change. If we don’t do so, all of our words and theories will be irrelevant.
Ian Angus
Five Challenges for Ecosocialists in 2008
Canadian Dimension
As the World Burns
How Big Oil and Big Coal mounted one of the most aggressive lobbying campaigns in history to block progress on global warming
Meet the 17 polluters and deniers who are derailing efforts to curb global warming in Tim Dickinson's "The Climate Killers."
This was supposed to be the transformative moment on global warming, the tipping point when America proved to the world that capitalism has a conscience, that we take the fate of the planet seriously. According to the script, Congress would pass a landmark bill committing the U.S. to deep cuts in carbon emissions. President Obama would then arrive in Copenhagen for the international climate summit, armed with the moral and political capital he needed to challenge the rest of the world to do the same. After all, wasn't this the kind of bold move the Norwegians were anticipating when they awarded Obama the Nobel Peace Prize?
Rolling Stone article hereIllustration by Victor Juhasz
Saturday, January 9, 2010
Marxism and Ecology
Marxism and Ecology: Capitalism, socialism and the future of the planet.
By Martin Empson. A Socialist Worker pamphlet.
Reviewed by Derek Wall, U.K.
Another Green World
Its been a pleasure to work with Martin Empson, I have shared platforms with him, the last time was in Nottingham at a discussion about the failed Copenhagen conference along with Labour MP Alan Simpson in December.
Martin is a keen advocate of green trade unionism. He is a leading light of the Campaign against Climate Change Trade Union group in the UK, he has strongly supported the Vestas workers on the Isle of Wight who occupied their wind turbine factory when it was closed down, he has also been involved with the One Million Green Jobs project.
His booklet is a gem. With clear prose and concise delivery he looks at the relationship between Marxism and green politics, or perhaps to be more precise the relationship between Marx and the science of ecology.
By Martin Empson. A Socialist Worker pamphlet.
Reviewed by Derek Wall, U.K.
Another Green World
"'In this pamphlet I will look at how the ideas of Marx and Engels explain how human society has related to the environment at different stages in our history. At why capitalism is so environmentally damaging and why placing Marxist ideas back at the heart of the debate about what sort of society we need to save us from ecological destruction is so urgent."
Its been a pleasure to work with Martin Empson, I have shared platforms with him, the last time was in Nottingham at a discussion about the failed Copenhagen conference along with Labour MP Alan Simpson in December.
Martin is a keen advocate of green trade unionism. He is a leading light of the Campaign against Climate Change Trade Union group in the UK, he has strongly supported the Vestas workers on the Isle of Wight who occupied their wind turbine factory when it was closed down, he has also been involved with the One Million Green Jobs project.
His booklet is a gem. With clear prose and concise delivery he looks at the relationship between Marxism and green politics, or perhaps to be more precise the relationship between Marx and the science of ecology.
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